The phrase was initially used by Carol Hanisch as an element of the anthologyPaperwork From the Second Year: Ladies Liberationin 1970. The girlusedthat in the circumstance of consciousness-raising groups, in which she defended the act of talking about with other females, experiences from within the household – something which was considered extremely personal.
During these groups, challenges like daycare, problems in relationships and household obligations were considered to be remarkably political in nature. Hanisch argues in her article that most conditions that women encountered in their day by day lives had been actually a direct result deep-rooted political structures that were patriarchal and intrinsically oppressive.
Hanisch argues these consciousness-raising organizations were a type of political actions. She stresses on the fact that any marriage that has a power dynamic is a political romance, even if it truly is within the sphere of the ‘domestic’. The conclusion for women that their personal problems a new bigger politics dimension connected with it, was an important landmark of the second wave. This was in response to broader claims that women had been responsible for their own situation.
Performs this then show that all personal actions or decisions that the woman makes, is a part of a greater politics ideology or perhaps movement? And if so , exactly where does a single draw the queue? Second say feminists were often attacked for making alternatives like putting on makeup and waxing body hair as submitting to patriarchal oppressive steps.
virtually any relationship that has a power dynamic is a politics relationship, whether or not it is within the realm of the ‘domestic’.
What once started out as being a slogan pertaining to recognition of politics in day-to-day fact soon changed into a prescriptive dictum. As a result it came to be understood the fact that personal selections that a female makes have to be aligned with the politics that she espouses.
Rahila Gupta in herarticleon the slogan focuses on the difference that feminists often encounter while coping with questions of private decisions staying politicized. She talks about her experience of being accused of hypocrisy by her little girl when being asked to dress conservatively in locations that are generally deemed hazardous.
She says, although she politically espouses can certainly ownership more than public spaces, she does concede that personal consideration of safety often overpowers her governmental policies. She therefore points out the glaring disparity between the personal and the politics and the perils of equating the 2.
The Personal Meaning
Carol Hanisch’s essay explains the concept behind the phrase the personal is usually political. A common issue between personal and political questioned if women’s consciousness-raising groups were a useful area of the political could movement. According to Hanisch, calling the groups therapy was a misnomer, as the groups weren’t intended to fix any ladies personal challenges. Instead, consciousness-raising was a sort of political action to generate discussion about such topics as could relationships, their very own roles in marriage, and their feelings regarding childbearing.
The essay arrived particular away of her experience in the Southern Convention Educational Account (SCEF) so that as part of the ladies caucus of these organization, and out of her encounter in the New york city Radical Ladies and the Pro-Woman Linewithin that group.
Her essay The Personal Is usually Political stated that coming to a personal realization of how grim the case was for females was as critical as doing personal action including protests. Hanisch noted that political refers to any power relationships, not just those of authorities or chosen officials.
In 2006 Hanisch had written about how the essay’s initial form came out of her connection with working in male-dominated civil legal rights, anti-Vietnam Battle and left (old and new) political groups. Lip service was given to could equality, although beyond narrow economic equality, other ladies issues had been often ignored. Hanisch was particularly worried about the determination of the concept that women’s circumstance was can certainly own fault, and perhaps all in their heads. In addition, she wrote of her regret at certainly not anticipating the ways in which both equally The Personal Is Political and the Pro-Woman Line can be misused and subject to revisionism.
Revolution from the inside
Another prevalent feminist psychologising of the personal is political moves something like this:
The allegedly personal process of therapy is deeply political since learning to feel happier about ourselves, elevating our self-pride, accepting our sexualities and coming to conditions with who have we really are all of these are politics acts in a heteropatriarchal globe. With woman-hating all around us, it can be revolutionary to love ourselves, to heal the injuries of patriarchy, and to conquer self-oppression. In the event that everyone loved and acknowledged themselves, in order that women (and men) no longer projected to each other their own repressed self-hatreds, we would have got real sociable change.
This is a very common debate, most recently rehearsed in Gloria Steinem’s Revolution from Within. As Carol Sternhall points out in a critical review, The point of all this kind of trendy, tied-dyed [sic] shrinkery isn’t basically feeling better about yourself to be more exact, it is, because feeling better about all our selves is now the key to worldwide revolution (1992, g. 5).
From this model, the self is naturally good, but has to be uncovered from under the layers of internalised oppression and cured from the injuries inflicted onto it by a heteropatriarchal society. Inspite of her reveal differences from Gloria Steinem in other areas, lesbian feminist therapist Laura Brown (1992) shares Steinem’s notion with the true self. The girl writes, for instance , of a patient’s struggle to recoup her home from the snares of patriarchy (pp. 241-42), by peel(ing) away the layers of patriarchal training (p. 242) and heal(ing) the injuries of childhood (p. 245); in remedy with Laura Brown, a female is helped to know herself (p. 246), to go beyond her accommodated self (p. 243) and discover her true self (p. 243) (or shammed [sic] interior self p. 245) and live at harmony with herself (p. 243). In most feminist mindset, this inner self is usually characterised as a beautiful, spontaneous little girl. Calling and nurturing her is actually a first step in creating social change. It really is revolution from the inside.
This set of suggestions has the roots in the growth movement of the sixties, which emphasised personal liberation and human potential. inches Back then, the central photo was of any vaguely identified sick world.
The System was diseased by it is materialism, consumerism, and insufficient concern pertaining to the individual. This stuff were internalised by people; but beneath the layers of shit in each person place an essential natural self which could be reached through various therapeutic methods. What this kind of suggests is the fact revolutionary modify is not really something that needs to be built, made or invented with other persons, but that it must be somehow normal, dormant in each people individually and only has to be produced (Scott and Payne: 1984, p. 22).
The absurdity of taking this revolution coming from within disagreement to it is logical conclusion is illustrated by a single project, the offspring of a popular healing program, which proposed to end starvation. Certainly not, as may appear sensible, by organising soup kitchens, releasing food parcels to the hungry, campaigning to get impoverished countries to be introduced from their nationwide debts, or sponsoring farming cooperatives. Instead, it offers the simple expedient of getting individuals to indication cards saying that they are willing to be in charge of making the final of malnourishment an idea whose time has arrive. When an undisclosed number of people have signed such cards, a context will have been created by which hunger will somehow end (cited in Zilbergeld: 1983, pp. 5-6). Of course , Laura Brown, along with many other feminist experienced therapist, would probably should also challenge the obscenity on this project. Yet the logic of her individual arguments permits precisely these kinds of interpretation.
These kinds of approaches are a very long way from my very own understanding of the personal can be political. I do not think social alter happens from the inside out. I don’t think people have internal children somewhere inside ready to be nurtured, reparented, and their natural amazing benefits released in to the world. On the contrary, as I include argued in other places (Kitzinger: 1987; Kitzinger and Perkins: 1993), our interior selves are constructed by social and political situations in which all of us live, of course, if we want to change people’s behavior it is a lot more effective to alter the environment than to psychologise individuals. Yet as Debbie Scott and Tracey Payne (1984, p. 24) explain, when considering doing remedy it is essential to every technique that women see all their ‘real’ selves and their ‘social’ selves because distinct. inches This means that the making honest and personal decisions about our lives is usually reduced for the supposed ‘discovery’ of our true selves, the honouring of your hearts desires. Personal understandings of the thoughts and feelings is occluded, and our moral choices are cast within a therapeutic rather than a political structure. A set of repressive social conditions has made your life hard for females and lesbians. Yet the revolution from within solution should be to improve the individuals, rather than change the conditions.
Mindset suggests that just after curing yourself could you begin to treat the world. I actually disagree. People do not have to end up being perfectly operating, self-actualised individuals in order to create social change. Think of the feminists you already know who have been influential in the world, and who have worked hard and effectively to get social proper rights: Have they all loved and accepted themselves? The vast majority of these admired for political operate go on attempting for alter not since they have obtained self-fulfilment (nor in order to obtain it), but because of their ethical and personal commitments, and often in spite of their own fears, self-doubts, personal worry, and self-hatreds. Those who work for revolution without are often forget about in feel with their real selves than patients fixated in inner alter: this statement should not be used (as it sometimes is) to discredit their activism, but rather to show that politics action can be an option for all of us, whatever each of our state of psychological health. Wait until the inner universe is sorted out prior to shifting your attention to the exterior, and you are, indeed waiting intended for the revolution (Brown: 1992).
Here it might be useful to consider Carol Hanisch’s idea ofcollectiveaction, where she propounds that personal problems of girls often you don’t have a definite solution due to the fact that they will emerge away of strong, discursive and oppressive patriarchal, political structures. In order to deal with these people is to find them being a collective and take action consequently.
A prime model in question is usually Raya Sarkar’s ‘List’, a web list of intimate offenders in academia in India. Where personal experience was brought out due to the recognition of the higher political structures in play – whether it is sexuality, caste, course or a great intersection in the three. The much-discussed ‘List’ is actually a variety of allegations on individuals that have been completely brought together to bring to light the underlying set ups of patriarchy and body. This can be seen as a resistance by means of collective actions, as postulated by Hanisch.
Much of the issue around this ‘List’ has been regarding ‘due process’ and the legitimacy. This is a direct attack around the ‘personal’ providing as facts enough, asking the existed experiences from the people who have recently been victims of such out and out aggression and thereby attacking their shared memory of trauma, that emerges from experiences grounded in severo political structures.
Hanisch was not the first to suggest that personal experiences are the result of social structures or inequality. In 1959 American sociologist C. Wright Mills published The Sociological Imagination , in which he argued that indiv >The Feminine Mystique(1963), American creator and feminist Betty Friedan referred to the problem that has no name, in which women experienced constrained, unfulfilled, and unhappy in their jobs as wives, mothers, and homemakers. Although this unhappiness was typically treated as being a personal problem the two by the girls themselves through doctors, Friedan blamed that on the position of women in society. Even thoughThe Feminine Croyantwas arguably certain to white-colored middle-class girls, the book came to be regarded as canonical in feminist background theory. Friedan’s arguments became highly influential for second-wave feminism (a period of feminist activity specifically prominent through the 1960s and ’70s).
At the time Hanisch was writing, the male-dominated politics left generally posed an opposition among personal and political issues; thus, if women held a discussion group around personal issues, it had been derisively referred to as therapy, inch a designation she believed was misdirected. In actuality, Hanisch argued, can certainly personal complicationshad beenpolitics problems, inasmuch as they were caused by could inequality; women themselves weren’t to blame. Simply by extension, the issues could not become solved by personal solutions but simply by sociable change. A large number of feminist teams embraced this kind of idea. For example, the radical feminist firm Redstockings believed that women failed to see all their situation as a political condition: a class pecking order, with guys placed over women. Similarly, the Combahee River Group, a dark-colored organization, pressured that their feminism included insights that were gleaned by members’ personal experiences with racism and sexism. Different documents from that period feature similar disputes.
Encounter and the Empiric
This kind of brings about one other aspect of the slogan is usually its emphasis on experience and the empiric. In the event one’s personal experiences are most definitely political, in that case who gets to write or theorize regarding these experiences? The concept of the personal and the political having a link provides direct and revolutionary connotations when it comes to a defieicency of representation and voice.
What this essentially implies is the fact only those sections of people that experience specific oppression personally can clarify the politics around this. These sets of people, in question, are often marginalized and not let to speak. They are spoken on behalf of. The entire second wave was predicated about women talking about their oppressive experiences.
If one’s personal experience are indeed personal, then who gets to write or theorize about these activities?
Afterwards thethird wavetransported the idea forwards and spoke of experience and personality as beingintersectional, and hence adding new proportions to the difficulty of portrayal. It identified that aside from gender politics – peuple, class, sexuality, colour, physique, were almost all equally oppressive political structures that acted upon one another to create identities that held unique experiences and connotations. If these kinds of experiences are definitely political then it is only correct that they words their activities that form and receive shaped by simply political structures.
The Carol Hanisch Essay
Feminist and article writer Carol Hanisch’s essay entitled The Personal is Political appeared inside the anthologyNotes From your Second Season: Women’s Freedomin 1970. She is therefore often a certain amount with creating the phrase. Yet , she composed in an summary of the 2006 republication with the essay that she did not come up with the title. She thought The Personal Is Political was chosen by the publishers of the anthology, Shulamith Firestone and Bea Koedt, who were both feminists involved with the group Ny Radical Feminists.
Some feminist scholars include noted that by the time the anthology was published in the 1970s, the personal is political had previously become a traditionally used part of the women’s movement and was not a quote due to any one person.
Personalizing the Political
From this interpretation of the personal is personal, instead of politicising the personal, inches the political is customised. Political problems, national and international governmental policies, and key social, financial, and ecological disasters happen to be reduced to personal, person psychological issues.
This wholesale translation with the political in to the personal can be characteristic, not simply of feminist psychology, nevertheless of mindset generally. In the USA a group of twenty two professionals spent three years and $73, 500 in going to the conclusion that lack of self-esteem is the root cause of many of the key social problems that problem us today (The Guardian: April 13, 1990). Sex violence against women is addressed by simply setting up social skills training and anger management periods for rapists (now obtainable in sixty jails in England and Wales, The Guardian: May well 21, 1991), and racism becomes some thing to move away from your upper body in a counselling workshop (Green: 1987). Various people at this point think of key social and political concerns in mental terms.
Actually the whole of life can be seen as one superb psychological physical exercise. Back in 98, Judi Chamberlain pointed out that mental hospitals usually use the term therapy to describe absolutely anything that goes on inside them:
…making the beds and sweeping the floor can be called industrial therapy, going to a dance or movie recreational therapy, inch stupefying patients with medicines chemotherapy, inches and so forth. Custodial mental private hospitals, which offer almost no treatment, frequently make reference to milieu therapy, inches as if the very hospital atmosphere were in some manner curative (1977, p. 131).
A decade or so later on, with psychology’s major customers not in mental hostipal wards but in the community, everything inside our lives is translated in therapy. inch Reading books becomes bibliotherapy; composing (Wenz: 198), journal keeping (Hagan: 1988), and skill are all attributed therapeutic functions. Even acquiring photographs is actually a emotional technique. Feminist phototherapist Jo Spence drew on the psychoanalytic theories of Alice Callier (1987) and advocates healing (among various other wounds) the wound of class shame through photography. And although examining, writing, and taking photographs are ordinary activities, in their therapeutic symptoms they require expert guidance: I don’t think people can do this with friends or perhaps by themselves…they’ll never have the protection working by itself that they’ll acquire working with a therapist since they will encounter their own blockages and be struggling to get past them (Spence: 1990, p. 39). While not desperate to deny that reading, producing, art, picture taking, and so on might make some people feel happier about themselves, it really is disturbing to find such activities examined in solely psychological terms. As feminists, we accustomed to read to be able to learn more about feminist history and tradition; write and paint to communicate with other folks. These were sociable activities described outwards; today they are remedied as research of the personal. The success of the things we do is examined in terms of just how it makes us think. Social circumstances are examined in terms of how a inner your life of individuals responds to them. Political and ethical obligations are evaluated by the level to which they enhance or detract from your individual feeling of health.
Feminist counselors now prescribe political activities for their consumers not for their natural political value, but as cure-alls. The Guidelines for Feminist Therapy made available from therapist Marylou Butler inside the Handbook of Feminist Therapy (1985) includes the recommendation that feminist therapists should make referrals to women’s zones, CR groups, and feminist organisations, when ever that would be healing for clients (p. 37). Consciousness Bringing up the practice of making the personal personal was never can be therapy (Sarachild: 1978). Women who participate in feminist activism while using goal of feeling better about are likely to be disappointed. In sending women to feminist teams, the primary aims of which are activist rather than therapeutic, counselors are doing a disservice to both their clients also to feminism.
The relationships, as well, are considered not in terms of all their political implications, but rather, in terms of their therapeutic functions. Remedy used to name what happened between a therapist and a customer. Now, as Bonnie Mann points out, that accurately describes what happens among many women in daily relationships: any activity organised by women is definitely boxed into a therapeutic platform. Its value is determined on such basis as whether or not it is ‘healing’: inch
I have often seen a good conversation turn into a therapeutic interaction before my eyes. For instance, We mention something that has irritated, hurt, or been tough for me in some manner. Something shifts. I see over I am with personify the role of the Supporting Friend. It really is as if a tape clicks into her brain, her voice changes, I can see her continue to see myself differently, like a victim. The girl begins to recite the lines, That should have been very difficult for you, inches or That must have believed so invalidating, or perhaps What do you think you need to feel happier about that? inches I know well the corresponding tape that is meant to click into my own brain: I believe I just had to let you know the thing that was going on personally, or It helps you to hear you say that, seems very validating, or perhaps I guess I just require off by itself and foster myself a little (1987, p. 47).
Psychological methods of thinking possess spilled out of the therapists office, the SOCIAL MEDIA PACKAGE groups, and self-help literature, the experiential workshops and rebirthing sessions to get into all aspects of our lives. The political have been thoroughly customized.
History & Culture
The personal is political was obviously a frequently read feminist coming back cry, especially during the late 1960s and 1970s. The exact origin of the phrase is definitely unknown and frequently debated. Various second-wave feminists used the phrase the personal can be political or its root meaning inside their writing, messages, consciousness-raising, and other activities.
This is has at times been interpreted to show that political and private issues have an effect on each other. It has also resulted in the experience of ladies is the grounding of feminism, both personal and politics. Some have observed it like a kind of sensible model for creating feminist theory: begin with the little issues with that you’ve personal encounter, and push from there to the larger systemic issues and dynamics which can explain and address these personal aspect.
The paper, The Personal Is definitely Political, inch was actually published in Notes from the Second 12 months: Women’s Freedom in 1970 and was widely reprinted and passed about the Movement and beyond in the next several years. I actually didn’t find out just how much it had gotten about until I did a Search and found that being talked about in many several languages.
I’d like to clarify pertaining to the record that I did not give the daily news its name, The Personal Is Political. So far as I know, that was done by Notes in the Second Year editors Shulie Firestone and Anne Koedt after Kathie Sarachild brought it for their attention as a possible paper to get printed in that early collection. Also, political was used throughout the broad sense in the word because having to do with power relationships, not really the slim sense of electorial politics.
The conventional paper actually commenced as a tonto that I had written in February of 69 while in Gainesville, Sarasota. It was delivered to the could caucus of the Southern Convention Educational Fund (SCEF) a bunch for which I was a subsistence-paid organizer doing disovery work for creating a ladies liberation project in the South. The tonto was at first titled, Some Thoughts reacting to Dottie’s Thoughts on a Women’s Liberation Movement, and was written in reply to a memo by another staff member, Dottie Zellner, who asserted that consciousness-raising was merely therapy and questioned whether the new self-employed WLM was really political.
This was not an unusual reaction to radical feminist suggestions in early 69. WLM groupings had been cropping up all over the countryand the earth. The revolutionary movements of Civil Legal rights, Anti-Vietnam Conflict, and Older and New Left groups from which many of us sprang were male dominated and very worried about can certainly liberation on the whole, but particularly the spectre of the mushrooming independent women’s freedom movement, that I was a staunch advocate. Arriving in New York City following ten weeks in the Mississippi Civil Privileges Movement, I had developed found SCEF to be among the most mature and better accelerating groups about. It had a fantastic record of racial, economic and personal justice function since Fresh Deal days and nights, and I joined up with its personnel in 1966 as its New york city office manager. SCEF allowed New York Major Women to meet in its Nyc office, wherever I proved helpful, and at my personal request decided to explore developing a women’s freedom project in the South. Yet , many for the SCEF personnel, both men and women, wound up joining the criticism of ladies getting together in consciousness-raising groups to talk about their own oppression as naval-gazing and personal therapyand undoubtedly not personal.
They could occasionally admit that women were oppressed (but only by the system) and said that we should have equal pay for the same work, and a few other rights. Nonetheless they belittled us no end pertaining to trying to bring our apparent personal problems into the public arenaespecially all those body issues just like sex, physical appearance, and abortion. Our requirements that guys share the housework and childcare were likewise deemed a personal difficulty between a lady and her individual guy. The resistance claimed in the event women will just stand up for themselves and take more responsibility for their individual lives, that they wouldn’t need to have an independent motion for ladies liberation. What personal motivation wouldn’t resolve, they said, the revolution might take care of whenever we would merely shut up and do the part. Nirvana forbid that people should point out that males benefit from oppressing women.
Knowing the need to deal with male superiority as a movements instead of blaming the individual girl for her oppression was where Pro-Woman Range came in. This challenged the anti-woman collection that employed spiritual, internal, metaphysical, and pseudo-historical answers for ladies oppression which has a real, materialist analysis pertaining to why ladies do what we do. (By materialist, I mean in the Marxist materialist (based in reality) sense, not inside the desire intended for consumer goods sense. ) Taking the situation that women are messed over, certainly not messed up took primary off specific struggle make it about group or perhaps class struggle, exposing the necessity for a completely independent WLM to handle male supremacy.
The Pro-Woman Line likewise helped challenge the sex role theory of could oppression nevertheless women work as we carry out because that’s how we were taught by simply society. inches (We most can imagine things we were taught to consider or do that we refused once the makes that kept us thinking or perhaps doing them were removed. ) It had been consciousness-raising that led to the emergence from the Pro-Woman Collection with its technological explanation based on an analysis of our individual experiences and an examination of who benefits from can certainly oppression. Knowning that our oppressive situations weren’t our own faultwere not, inside the parlance of that time period, all inside our headgave all of us a lot more valor as well as a more solid, true foundation on which to fight for liberation.
The Personal is usually Political conventional paper and the theory it contains, was my response in the heat with the battle towards the attacks in us by simply SCEF plus the rest of the significant movement. I think it’s important to realize that the daily news came out of strugglenot just my personal struggle in SCEF nevertheless the struggle from the independent WLM against people who were looking to either quit it or push this into guidelines they located less intimidating.
It’s also important to recognize the theory the paper contains did not come solely away of my personal individual mind. It came out of a motion (the Can certainly Liberation Movement) and a specific group within just that activity (New You are able to Radical Women) and a specific group of ladies within Nyc Radical Ladies, sometimes referred to as the Pro-Woman Line gang.
Of course there have been women inside New York Radical Women and the broader feminist movement whom argued right from the start against awareness raising and claimed ladies were brainwashed and complicit in their own oppression, a spat rooted in the sociological and psychological rather than the political. That they, too, helped in the formula of Pro-Woman Line theory. By quarrelling the in that case standard wisdom against us, they pressured us to clarify and hone and develop and refine and articulate the newest theory in order that it could be spread more widely. After New York Radical Women meetings, the Pro-Woman Line unit would generally end up for Miteras, a nearby cafe that served fantastic apple pie forwardlooking. There we might discuss how the meeting choose to go and the tips that had been talked about until a couple of in the morning, both equally agreeing with and tough each other in wonderful, dynamic debate between ourselves.
In September of 1968six a few months before The Personal Can be Political was written, the Miss America Protest brought home to many why the Pro-Woman Line theory we were expanding was so important when it came to currently taking action outside of the group. In another paper permitted A Review of the Miss America Protest I had written about how the anti-women faction of the protesters detracted from our message that most women happen to be oppressed by beauty standards, even the contestants. Signs like Up Against the Wall, Miss America and Miss America Is a Big Falsie produced these opponent out to be our adversary instead of the males and companies who made false natural beauty standards on women.
Political struggle or debate is key to good political theory. A theory is just a couple of words at times interesting to think about, but merely words, neverthelessuntil it is tested in real world. Many a theory has delivered surprises, both confident and negative, when an look at has been designed to put it into practice.
Although trying to think how I would change The Personal Is Political daily news if I may rewrite that with modern-day hindsight, I was actually shocked how very well it stands the test of time and experience. There are several things I would personally elaborate on, just like my simplistic definition of school, and there are some statements inside the paper which can be badly needing further expansion. Perhaps the two that troubles me the most are: Women are clever not to struggle alone and It is no worse to be in the home than in the corporate jungle of the task world.
The initially statement does not mean that ladies are smart not to have difficulties at all, for instance a have construed the Pro-Woman Line. Women are sometimes wise not to struggle alone whenever they can’t succeed and the effects are more serious than the oppression. However , specific struggle really does sometimes receive us some points, and when the WLM are at low wave or unseen, it may be the very best we can perform. We need to regularly be pushing the envelope. Even if the WLM is at excessive tide, because our oppression often happens in separated circumstances like the home, it still takes individual actions to put into practice the particular Movement is usually fighting for. But specific struggle is always limited; it can takes a continuous Movement more robust than any we’ve viewed so far to set an end to male supremacy.
On the second point, I have come to agree with Leslie B. Anthony that to get free, a woman must have a purse of her own. Women can’t be 3rd party without playing the public staff. That also means uniting in a fight for community childcare as well as for a restructuring of the office with women’s equality at heart, while requiring men reveal the cleaning and day care on the homefront, so that females don’t wrap up having to do it all.
I wish we could have anticipated every one of the ways that The Personal Is usually Political and The Pro-Woman Line will be revised and misused. Like the majority of of the theory created by Pro-Woman Series radical feminists, these concepts have been modified or cheated or even stood on their head and utilized against their very own original, significant intent. Although it’s necessary that theories take their particular knocks inside the real world, like everything else, a lot of us have learned that once they leave our hands, they need to become defended against revisionism and misuse.
Here are some is the original version of The Personal Is Political as modified from the tonto for the 1970 anthology, Notes from your Second Year: Women’s Liberation, edited simply by Shulamith Firestone and Bea Koedt. Carol Hanisch